Wednesday, October 21, 2026

Trump administration says it has revoked over 300,000 visas as crackdown escalates

By Kanishka Singh

WASHINGTON, Oct 20 (Reuters) - President Donald Trump's administration has revoked over 300,000 US visas during his second term, the ‌State Department said on Tuesday as the federal government continues its ‌sweeping immigration crackdown.

The number showed an acceleration in the pace of visa revocations in recent ​weeks.

In an update issued on August 10, the State Department had put the number of visa revocations since Trump's current term began in January 2025 at over 175,000.

Trump says his immigration crackdown and deportation drive aim to improve ‌domestic security. Rights advocates ⁠say the crackdown has violated due process and free speech rights and has created an unsafe environment, particularly for ⁠ethnic minorities, who have raised concerns about racial profiling.

In announcing the latest number on X, State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott said the Trump administration "has revoked more ​visas at ​a faster pace than any administration ​in history."

Pigott said the administration ‌had "zero tolerance for foreigners here on visas who break the law, commit fraud, or undermine our national security."

Among visa revocations particularly condemned by rights advocates are those of pro-Palestinian foreign protesters demonstrating against US ally Israel's attacks on Gaza and of foreigners over their social media comments about conservative ‌commentator Charlie Kirk's assassination.

In addition to attempts ​to deport foreign protesters, the Trump administration has ​enforced tightened social media screening ​of immigrants and visa applicants.

Rights advocates say the government ‌has deployed national security reasons to ​target critics and ​used isolated cases of fraud to broadly target immigrant communities such as the Somali American community in Minnesota.

While Trump campaigned in 2024 on ​stopping illegal immigration, his ‌administration has also made legal immigration more difficult — for example ​by imposing expensive fees for certain work visas.

(Reporting by Kanishka Singh ​in Washington; Editing by Nia Williams)

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Childcare costs weigh on some voters before the midterm elections

Like so many Americans, Jenny Escolastico has watched wearily as the cost of living has risen, straining her household budget. But as a mother of two children under 5, she faces added pressure that could shape how she votes in November: childcare costs.

Escolastico’s household outside Allentown, Pennsylvania, is relying solely on her husband’s income. She’s staying home with her children, at least in part because she simply can’t afford to work.

"What I would be spending on childcare would be more than what I would be making if I were working full time,” said Escolastico, an Air Force veteran who later worked in human resources. “Childcare is another rent, another car note.” Even though her son now attends state-funded prekindergarten, returning to work would still mean finding him after-school care, plus full-time childcare for her daughter.

Those costs are top of mind as Escolastico, who voted for President Donald Trump in 2024, weighs whether to vote Democratic next month.

She lives in Pennsylvania's hotly contested 7th Congressional District, one of a handful that will determine which party controls Congress next year. The midterm elections have been dominated by anxiety over rising prices for gas, groceries and housing, a liability for Trump and his Republican Party. For millions of parents of young children, childcare is one of the largest strains on the family budget.

Both parties are talking about childcare

Childcare costs have rose faster than inflation from 2020 to 2024, with the U.S. average for full-time childcare topping $13,000 in 2025, according to Child Care Aware of America. About three-quarters of U.S. adults saw the expense of childcare as a “major problem” in the U.S., and 64% supported the federal government providing free- or low-cost childcare for children too young for public school, according to an AP-NORC poll from June 2025.

In the 7th District north of Philadelphia, both candidates are making childcare part of their pitch to voters. Like Escolastico, about 16% of the district’s voters were undecided as of September, according to a poll from Franklin and Marshall College.

Democratic nominee Bob Brooks, a retired firefighter, has campaigned on establishing universal prekindergarten, expanding full-day kindergarten, increasing funding for Head Start and making more working families eligible for federal childcare assistance. He’s cited his own experience pitching in on childcare for his two granddaughters.

“The cost of caring for the people you love keeps climbing, and nobody in Washington seems to notice,” Brooks said in a news release.

The incumbent, freshman Republican Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, himself a father of two kids under age 3, has embraced more modest approaches that rely on tax breaks to lower costs.

He cosponsored a bill to expand the federal tax credit for childcare expenses. The proposal, ultimately folded into Trump's sweeping bill of tax breaks and cuts to social programs, also increased tax incentives for private employers who subsidize or provide childcare for their workers.

"I will continue to work together with both sides to ensure that working families get the resources, representation, and support that they deserve," Mackenzie said in a statement.

Trump himself had campaigned on cutting childcare costs by using tariff revenue, a plan that has yet to materialize. More recently, he expressed skepticism of federal money for childcare.

“We’re fighting wars. We can’t take care of daycare,” Trump told an Easter luncheon.

Childcare has become an increasingly urgent priority

The urgency over early childhood policy was accelerated by the pandemic. Daycare closures and weekslong quarantines laid bare the necessity and financial precarity of the childcare industry. To keep providers open, the federal government spent more than $50 billion on the industry, funding staff training, higher wages, protective gear and childcare assistance for more families.

In 2021, President Joe Biden, a Democrat, proposed offering subsidies to most American families so they would never pay more than 7% of their household income on childcare. It was narrowly defeated in Congress.

Three years later, the last of the pandemic aid expired. Waitlists for childcare assistance exploded, forcing low-income households to sideline a parent from the workforce or forgo necessities to foot a childcare bill.

Since then, more candidates have campaigned on childcare solutions. New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a Democratic socialist, pledged to make childcare free for all residents. The Democratic governors of New Jersey and Virginia elected last year both campaigned on plans to increase childcare funding. The Democratic nominee for mayor in Washington, D.C., won the primary in June after proposing to cap childcare expenses at 7% of a household's income.

With childcare prices rising, Lerin Hagenbuch of Allentown says she wonders why the country hasn't moved toward universal childcare. She recalled when she and her husband, a quality assurance manager, anxiously searched for childcare so she could return to her job as a special education teacher, only to find that some of their options would require her to take a second job.

Her son is now in kindergarten, but childcare costs remain one of her top issues. She's a registered Republican, but hasn’t decided how to vote next month.

“There are staff shortages everywhere," Hagenbuch said. “If these moms or dads who are staying at home were able to even work part time, what a shift that would be.”

$60 million in election spending boosts childcare issues

The Campaign for a Family Friendly Economy, which advocates for greater government support for paid leave, child care and elder care, hopes voters like Hagenbuch will side with Democrats, who have historically favored bigger-ticket childcare investments.

The political action committee said it has spent $60 million this year backing Democrats in statehouse, congressional and governor's races, targeting voters in a dozen states with canvassing, ads and mailers. The campaign pursues voters from both parties who feel the cost of caring for a child or an aging parent is growing untenable.

“This is something that every family is touched by,” said Phoebe Kilgour, the campaign’s deputy executive director. “And so when you talk to people about what candidates are gonna do to … lower the cost of care, it can be super persuasive.”

A longtime preschool teacher, Becky Fisher of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, earns less than $20 an hour. Much of her paycheck goes to pay for before- and after-school care for her two sons at the childcare center where she works.

Fisher was raised in a conservative Christian household and registered as a Republican when she graduated from high school, voting for President George W. Bush's reelection. She switched parties and in 2024 voted for then-Vice President Kamala Harris, Democrats' unsuccessful nominee for president.

This year, she's still deciding how to vote, but says she wants to back a congressional candidate who will do more than pay lip service to supporting families and teachers. Childcare and early education are among the lowest-paid professions in the nation. And many of the field’s workers are parents like her.

“Every parent is exhausted,” Fisher said.

___

The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

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Why would Elon Musk want to merge SpaceX and Tesla?

By Joe Brock

Oct 21 (Reuters) - Elon Musk believes a merger between Tesla and SpaceX is a good idea, he said on Tuesday, publicly backing an idea that would create one of the most valuable companies in the world, worth about $3.5 trillion.

While electric-vehicle maker Tesla and rocket company SpaceX ‌were once seen as largely separate businesses, the lines between them have blurred as Musk expands into artificial intelligence, robotics, advanced manufacturing, satellite communications, and ‌computing infrastructure, including data centers on Earth and potentially in orbit.

Here's what a potential merger could mean:

WHY WOULD MUSK DO THIS?

A merger would create a single company at the center of Musk's long-term vision: an ​integrated technology and manufacturing empire spanning AI, energy, robotics, communications, and transportation on Earth and beyond.

"I do think there's a lot of merit to combining the companies as we are pretty much in the superintelligence singularity, and there's a lot to be gained from cooperating on developing superintelligence software, chip design, the Terafab obviously, robotics, mass-to-orbit with the Starmind constellation (of orbital data centers), connectivity," Musk said on Tuesday.

Bringing the companies together could also simplify decision-making. Many of Musk's projects already cut across multiple companies, requiring approvals from separate boards and shareholders. ‌A combined company would give management more freedom to deploy ⁠capital, engineering talent and infrastructure where it sees the greatest opportunity.

Musk has long argued that he needs greater influence over Tesla to pursue its AI and robotics strategy. He owns nearly a fifth of Tesla and holds voting control at SpaceX. A merger could consolidate ⁠his influence.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR INVESTORS?

Tesla shareholders would gain access to SpaceX's rapidly growing Starlink broadband operation, launch services business and future space ventures. SpaceX investors would gain ownership of Tesla's vehicle, energy storage, autonomous driving and robotics businesses.

A merged company could also become one of the world's most valuable corporations, with a market value of about $3.5 trillion, combining leadership positions in ​automobiles, ​robotics, satellite communications, launch services, energy storage and AI infrastructure.

Supporters would likely argue that the combined ​company could allocate capital more efficiently across businesses that are increasingly ‌interdependent.

Critics, however, argue that investors would be assuming exposure to a much broader range of technical, regulatory and execution risks, some of which have little connection to one another.

WHERE COULD SPACEX AND TESLA WORK TOGETHER?

Starlink satellites could provide communications links for Tesla's robotaxis, autonomous systems and future generations of Optimus humanoid robots. Tesla's battery and energy-storage products could help support SpaceX's growing power needs, including future data-center projects.

Musk has already announced one major Tesla-SpaceX collaboration, Terafab, a semiconductor and AI-computing project aimed at producing the advanced chips needed for Tesla's autonomous vehicles and Optimus robots, as well as SpaceX's AI and data-center ambitions. Musk hopes it can start volume production by late 2028.

Tesla's expertise in large-scale ‌factory automation could complement SpaceX's efforts to industrialize Starship production, while SpaceX technologies have already appeared in ​Tesla products, most notably the planned use of rocket-derived components in the next-generation Roadster.

A merged company could ​also coordinate efforts to secure strategic supply chains, leveraging Tesla's scale in batteries, ​semiconductors and manufacturing equipment alongside SpaceX's demand for specialized metals, electronics, propulsion components and satellite hardware.

WHAT ARE THE DOWNSIDE RISKS?

The biggest challenges ‌may be geopolitics and regulation.

SpaceX is a major contractor for the US ​military, intelligence agencies and NASA. Tesla, meanwhile, ​remains deeply tied to China through its Shanghai factory, which plays a major role in vehicle production and sales. That combination could invite heightened scrutiny from US regulators and national-security officials as well as from Beijing.

The merger would also face shareholder and governance hurdles. Investors would need to be persuaded that combining ​two already complex businesses creates more value than keeping them ‌separate. Questions about conflicts of interest, voting control and capital allocation would inevitably follow.

Then there is execution risk. Starship, robotaxis, humanoid robots, AI data centers, ​mobile communications and orbital infrastructure are all expensive, technically challenging bets. Combining Tesla and SpaceX would not reduce those risks. It would simply place ​them under one roof.

(Reporting by Joe Brock; Editing by Peter Henderson and Sonali Paul)

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Tuesday, October 20, 2026

The AI doom scenario you may never have heard of may be hardest to stop

It seems that almost daily, a big tech company releases a new AI-driven digital assistant. Muse by Meta, Gemini by Google, dots by OpenAI. By the time this article is published, a new one from [insert tech company here] will probably have a press release touting its ability to manage your work and life — to take things off your plate, automate your processes, speed up your tedious tasks. It sounds helpful and, to lower the bar, harmless. 

But some researchers say this is the beginning of a treacherous path for humankind, one where bots take more and more off our plate until all that's left is an empty vessel, and we human users become nothing more than thoughtless "approvers." 

It's not just a threat to jobs. They warn that allowing our skills and knowledge to deteriorate, and surrendering our critical thinking to AI, poses an existential danger to humanity.

One term for this path is "gradual disempowerment" — a scenario where AI displaces human labor in the economy, replaces human decision-making in all key societal concerns, erodes human creativity, and degrades human cognition along the way. 

And though the word "gradual" is in the name, that does not mean the problem is something to worry about far in the future, according to experts. 

"I put gradual disempowerment on the very top of my list," said Jay Chooi, the founder and CEO of Robocurve, a company that tracks and measures AI-driven robotics capabilities. 

Chooi believes gradual disempowerment is just as worrisome as the threat of engineered pandemics and more destructive cyberattacks, which could be accelerated by capable AI.

"It's a civilization-scale problem," Chooi said of gradual disempowerment. "A lot of people feel very powerless, because it requires a lot of effort and a whole-of-society approach to solve it."

What is "gradual disempowerment" and how could AI cause it?

The term "gradual disempowerment" stems from a paper published in early 2025.

At the heart of the gradual disempowerment scenario is AI technology continuing to advance in capabilities, as it has rapidly since the launch of ChatGPT in 2022. 

AI models may soon be better at nearly all cognitive tasks than humans — solving frontier math problems, doing hard science, coding, writing and creating art and music, to name a few of the areas where AI increasingly excels. At the same time, advances in robotics could lead to AI-powered robots performing better than humans at physical labor like packing boxes, constructing homes, building cars, painting murals, mining for rare minerals, and even building IKEA furniture. 

We like to think that in an ideal world, the best applicant generally gets the job, and they are paid based on the level of demand for their skills. But imagine if a human is never the best person for the job. That's a world that some AI prognosticators and whistleblowers expect.

It's a world where an AI agent or AI-enabled robot is better at every task and sub-task that it takes to do my job and your job. They move faster than us, think deeper, have more patience and stamina. They more cordially answer phones, do more thorough research, and more dexterously wield a scalpel or a nail file. Plus, they never need to sleep or take sick days, they never show up hungover or moody, and they never threaten to leave for a better job. 

To picture gradual disempowerment more clearly, here's a scenario: Let's say you run Hammer Co., a company that manufactures hammers. You have line workers who shape the steel heads and wooden handles and then fit them together, and managers who keep the factory running smoothly. You have people who maintain your supply chain and teams to handle marketing, sales, accounting, and all the other functions that help your business thrive.

But then a tech company comes out with AI-powered Hammer Bots. The robot workers can make hammers far faster than your human workers, while AI agents can run the business side with little oversight. They'll work all night, never make mistakes, and cost far less than your happy, well-paid staff. You don't want to fire your human workers. You see them around town and have known their families for years, after all. 

But your competitor gets the Hammer Bots. Most customers just want the cheapest hammers — they don't care who or what makes them. As CEO of Hammer Co. you either compete or die. So you fire all your humans and get Hammer Bots to replace them. 

Now, try to envision this is the case for every company, and every job. With normal free-market incentives, the company that stays loyal to its human employees will be outcompeted by the company that gets AI to do the work instead. 

Here's where gradual disempowerment comes into play.

The fewer humans that participate in labor, and the more work that's outsourced to AI agents, the more humanity becomes dependent on AI for decision-making and the more human skills deteriorate. How long until the finer points of hammer-making will be forgotten?

With AI making all our complex decisions for us, humans become less capable of understanding and overseeing those decisions or of pushing back against them. 

"If people aren't actually practicing the skills that the agents are doing for them, they lose the ability to have that skill, and so now you become reliant," said Margaret Mitchell, an AI research scientist at Hugging Face and co-author of another recent paper on the importance of keeping humans in the loop in an AI world. 

"What happens when something goes wrong? There's no human you can point to who can fix it. So now you've become fully dependent on these systems to fix themselves, and what if that's not possible?"

A risk to democratic governance

It's not just economics and labor at risk. Take the military, for example. All or most decisions in war involve humans today, even if AI contributes to the process, but the balance is likely to shift as the technology becomes more capable. 

If the United States uses AI to make decisions in battle, its enemies across the field will be pressured to do the same. The side that leans more heavily on humans will be slower and less efficient. Human soldiers need food and rest. Robot soldiers will not. Human decision-makers are limited in the scenarios they can conceive and plan for; AIs can take into account all of human knowledge. 

"The states need citizens. They need us because we pay taxes and we fight for the states in the military," said Jan Kulveit, a co-author of the gradual disempowerment paper and co-founder of ACS Research Group. 

States also use people to enforce laws. But what if law enforcement is all automated in the future? 

"If, or when, existing states don't need their citizens, they're less likely to be democratic," said Kulveit. 

Kulveit compares theoretical future countries that are mostly run by AI to oil states today. He said the oil states tend to be authoritarian because they don't rely on most of their citizens to pay taxes and don't need citizens' votes to rule. States that rely on AI to run the economy and military could have similar outcomes, said Kulveit. 

If that is the case, and citizens no longer are the backbone of labor or warfare in a world of gradual disempowerment, then humans lose perhaps their greatest leverage against those in power. 

"A lot of people are talking about rogue AI hacking into data centers and taking over the world, but it is not in the mainstream consciousness that like AI could literally take over the world just by continuing to do what it's supposed to do, which is automating everything," said Jay Chooi of Robocurve.

"Organizations are all going to have a very strong economic pressure, and political pressure, to phase out humans and move work more and more into robots or AI."

How does humanity avoid gradual disempowerment?

Humans ceding control to AI, say the gradual disempowerment authors, is almost a natural transition once very advanced AI is here. 

Gradual disempowerment "does not need to emerge from a deliberate scheme or powergrab by AI systems," wrote Kulveit and his colleagues. "In the short-term, it is being incentivized by the perceived value that AI systems can bring to economic, cultural and state functions."

"We can't be in the situation where we are competing with the machines," said Kulveit. "Because if we are just competing with the machines, we will probably lose."

The gradual disempowerment authors believe stopping our disempowerment may be a heavy lift for humanity, since it involves complex systems that feed into each other — government, culture, and the economy. 

"This may be a bigger challenge than merely preventing AI systems from pursuing overtly harmful goals," they write. 

One first step in slowing disempowerment is keeping indicators of how much work is being ceded to AI, and of what kind of specific jobs AI systems are capable of handling. If thousands of workers are being displaced by AI in, say, call center jobs, it helps to know that in granular detail. 

But measurement isn't enough without action, Mitchell said. She argues that removing humans from the loop in AI processes both worsens oversight and degrades the skills of the human overseer. Therefore, companies and leadership in all fields must take proactive steps to keep humans engaged. 

"This general practice within tech is we want our systems to be frictionless," said Mitchell, referring to the idea that everything should move fast and without obstacles. "There's this sense that the less friction the better, but there's been a push within the more ethical AI community that strategic friction can be good because it can draw people's attention to critical issues that otherwise they might overlook."

Mitchell argues that strategic friction — keeping humans in the work loop at predetermined steps — can be done both by developers of AI, companies like OpenAI and Anthropic and Google, and by companies and organizations that deploy AI. Thoughtful and purposeful design of AI can benefit society as a whole, and the individuals who use it. 

Kulveit agrees that AI should be thoughtfully designed to add value to humans, not necessarily replace our every task. 

"You want to carve out places where we agree that we will not allow competitive pressures to remove humans from the loop," he said. "It would be nice if the companies train the AIs to be more complementary to humans. Currently, the AIs are implicitly trained to be a replacement for humans. But you can imagine training the AIs so they are better at explaining to us what's happening." 

Kulveit is describing AI that doesn't just spew out the answers to whatever question you ask it, at the very least in sectors where it is critical to include human expertise and decision-making, like war. Quick and easy answers can be helpful, but they can also make you dependent and credulous, believing anything the chatbot tells you, whether right or wrong. 

But AI can be more than that. It can help you not just by doing the work for you, but by educating you along the way. That way the human worker continues to learn while using AI as a partner, not a substitute. 

"There has been such a singular focus on capability or functionality of these systems to the detriment of people, to the detriment of users," said Mitchell. "If your only goal is to get a high score on a benchmark, then you are not going to be taking into account cognitive support design. But if your goal is to make a system that works really well for people — like if the race is for a utility as opposed to benchmark score — then you end up designing fundamentally different systems."

If gradual disempowerment really is a large-scale risk, compared to more talked-about doom scenarios — like AI helping to design bioweapons or chemical weapons — it may suffer from a relative lack of vividness. 

"We know what it means for a robot to take over the world. We know what it means for countries to nuke each other," said Chooi. "AI taking over the world is very legible in the human consciousness. But gradual disempowerment? No one has made a movie about gradual disempowerment."

But to Chooi, gradual disempowerment is very easy to picture. 

"All the organizations have the incentives to adopt it and phase out humans," he said. "This is a very logical conclusion. It's not very hard to see it."

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Trump says he's open to idea of joint meeting with Xi and Putin next month

By Trevor Hunnicutt and Ryan Patrick Jones

WASHINGTON, Oct 19 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump said on Monday he is open to three-way arms-control talks with the leaders of China and Russia as soon as next month, raising the prospect of an unprecedented meeting and a major diplomatic gambit for the US president.

"We would have it to ‌talk about nuclear weapons and denuclearization," Trump told reporters outside the White House. "If President Xi wants to have it, I'd have it. I'm sure we'd talk about other things ‌like trade too."

Trump has tried to thaw frosty relations with Beijing and Moscow as those non-Western powers grow closer. A three-way meeting would also raise alarm from Europe to Asia over private deals that weaken Washington's transatlantic and Indo-Pacific alliances.

But ​a deal struck between the three countries could also lower global tensions. An end to Russia's war in Ukraine could resolve the biggest threat in decades to European security, and a deal on arms would bind the three nations with the biggest stockpiles of nuclear weapons.

In recent days, Trump has moved to warm ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin, announcing a diesel-fuel deal and signing an order on Friday waiving key sanctions on Moscow. Trump has also sought stable relations with Chinese President Xi Jinping, who in turn has nurtured close ties with Putin.

So far, Trump has not delivered on a campaign promise ‌to quickly end the war in Ukraine.

The White House has been ⁠discussing for weeks a possible meeting between the leaders focused on denuclearization on the sidelines of the November 18-19 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in China, according to a person familiar with the matter.

Putin later pitched using such a meeting to negotiate an end to the four-year-old Ukraine conflict in a manner ⁠that would favor Moscow, the Wall Street Journal reported on Sunday, citing people familiar with the discussions. Putin's suggestion came during an October 9 phone call with Trump that yielded the deal on Russian diesel.

Earlier on Monday, the Kremlin said that the potential meeting had come up in talks.

The three leaders have met separately but never held formal talks together.

The White House did not respond to a Reuters request for comment. The ​Russian ​and Chinese embassies in Washington also did not reply to requests for comment.

Trump's diesel deal with Putin and ​the executive order waiving sanctions on Moscow have drawn criticism from Ukrainian ‌President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who has warned they would embolden Putin and prolong the war.

Speaking about the possible meeting on Monday, Trump said, "I would do it, not so much for Ukraine because Russia, frankly, has been fine on Ukraine." He added that "Zelenskiy is not helping matters much," and that "it's time for somebody else to negotiate on behalf of Ukraine."

Moscow launched one of its broadest air assaults in months overnight, cutting power to more than half a million households and damaging energy infrastructure across Ukraine. Ten people were reported killed.

TRUMP SEEKS NUCLEAR TALKS

Last week, Trump told reporters he thought a denuclearization deal with Russia and China was possible, but that it "doesn't have to be this year." It's not clear how advanced any talks between the countries are.

Russia has the most stored ‌nuclear warheads, followed by the United States and China, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

The Strategic ​Arms Reduction Treaty expired earlier this year. The New START treaty, signed in 2010, allowed a single extension, which Putin ​and former US President Joe Biden agreed to for five years. Any new extension would ​require an executive decision to voluntarily extend the limits of the treaty.

China's foreign ministry said last week that its "nuclear strength is by no means ‌at the same level with that of the US and Russia" and that ​it would be "neither fair, reasonable nor realistic to ​ask China to join the so-called trilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations at this stage."

Trump has already agreed to attend the APEC summit in Shenzhen next month, marking his second trip to China this year and his third visit with Xi over the same period. China, Russia and the United States are all members of APEC.

On Monday, Trump downplayed ​the idea of another high-profile meeting in China, with North Korean ‌leader Kim Jong Un.

"I get along with him very well, and I'm not sure that anybody's asking for a meeting," he said.

Trump previously said he planned to meet ​with Kim this year. North Korea has publicly indicated that it is not open to talks aimed at convincing Pyongyang to give up its nuclear weapons.

(Reporting ​by Trevor Hunnicutt and Ryan Patrick Jones; editing by Bhargav Acharya, Colleen Jenkins and Stephen Coates)

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El-Sayed fires back after voter questions his loyalty to the U.S.

Abdul El-Sayed speaks at a campaign rally in Flint, Michigan, on October 18. - Katie McTiernan/Anadolu/Getty Images
Abdul El-Sayed speaks at a campaign rally in Flint, Michigan, on October 18. - Katie McTiernan/Anadolu/Getty Images

The Muslim Brotherhood has become a flashpoint in Michigan’s Senate race, with Republicans trying to cast Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed as sympathetic to interests connected to Islamic terror and El-Sayed arguing that he is being unfairly accused of the same “dual loyalties” that former Presidents John F. Kennedy and Barack Obama once were.

El-Sayed this weekend denounced the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist political movement founded in Egypt in 1928 — first in a heated exchange with a voter, and later when speaking with reporters — after Republicans have sought to highlight his family’s ties to the group and his past comments about it.

“I do want to talk about why they want to make this their closing argument,” El-Sayed told reporters after a rally Sunday in Flint. “They want to speak to a certain implicit dual loyalty. This has a long history in our politics, that notion that people might pray a little bit differently, have a dual loyalty. It was the same thing they did to JFK when he ran for president, the notion that because he was Catholic that he somehow had dual loyalties. They did the same thing to President Obama simply because his father was of Muslim origin, even though his father is an avowed Christian.”

He added: “This is nothing new. This is what they do when they have no message about the real issues in people’s lives.”

GOP attacks on El-Sayed

Republicans have increasingly drawn attention to El-Sayed’s Muslim faith in the closing weeks of one of the most important Senate races on the 2026 midterm election map.

President Donald Trump, at a campaign rally Friday night, referred to El-Sayed as “Mohammed” and falsely declared that the Democratic former public health official is a “jihadist.” Those comments have become staples of recent Trump rallies and social media comments.

El-Sayed’s Republican opponent, former Rep. Mike Rogers, said Sunday on CNN that he has “never called him a terrorist” and said he does not “speak for the president.”

But Rogers accused El-Sayed of aligning with the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Muslim Brotherhood is an Islamist movement with global offshoots that once wielded significant political power in Egypt, where it was founded. The movement officially rejects the use of violent means to secure its goals. However, offshoots of the group have been linked to attacks in the past.

Trump signed an executive order in November that initiated a process by which certain chapters or other subdivisions of the Muslim Brotherhood could be considered for designation as Foreign Terrorist Organizations.

“You know, he wants to play the victim. This is not about that. This is about the way you think, not the way you pray,” Rogers told CNN’s Dana Bash. “This is about your ideology and how dangerous it is.”

El-Sayed’s town hall exchange

The GOP efforts to tie El-Sayed to the Muslim Brotherhood, and Islamic extremism, burst into the open this weekend at a town hall in Caro.

An attendee repeatedly pressed El-Sayed about the Muslim Brotherhood, saying he had yet to hear the candidate reject the organization.

“Abdul, will you disavow the Muslim Brotherhood?” the man shouted from the crowd.

El-Sayed, after disavowing the movement, blasted the man for implicitly assuming his “dual loyalty.”

“You assume … that because I am Muslim, that somehow I would have some allegiance to something that is not our Constitution,” El-Sayed said. He later added, “For me, that Constitution is the guiding light.”

The audience member walked out after the exchange as the crowd cheered for El-Sayed.

Family history scrutinized

The GOP attacks come after old tweets from El-Sayed’s half-sister resurfaced online, including a post from 2012 in which she described having “an amazing talk with my mom about her activism in the Muslim Brotherhood during the early 70s while she was in college.”

El-Sayed has said he does not know what his mother was doing in Egypt during the 1970s, explaining he was 3 when his parents divorced and didn’t see his mother for years. He was primarily raised in Michigan by his father and stepmother.

El-Sayed in 2012 also signed an open letter supporting then-Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, who had been elected earlier that year with the support of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of the country’s authoritarian government.

A year earlier, he penned a Huffington Post op-ed calling on the United States to support young Arab protesters in Egypt, and downplaying concerns that supporting democracy there would lead to Muslim Brotherhood control of the nation.

During a recent debate, Rogers pointed out that El-Sayed’s mother worked for the Islamic American Relief Agency, a non-profit that the Treasury Department in 2004 designated as an organization supporting terrorism.

“Are you going after my mom?” said El-Sayed.

“I was going after that organization that was indicted for funneling money to Al Qaeda,” Rogers said. “Look, that’s your mom. My mom worked at a small chamber of commerce. I’ll put my mom up any day for that.”

El-Sayed responded he is a “dad and a doctor” who wants to “get money out of politics, put money in your pocket and pass Medicare for All.” He said Rogers “wants this to be about anything but his own record.”

El-Sayed in recent days also addressed his sister-in-law, Mariam Jukaku, being placed on the federal Terrorism Screening Database — a situation she challenged as part of a 2016 class action lawsuit. It’s not clear why Jukaku, who was once president of UCLA’s Muslim Student Association and is now a home-school teacher and writer in California, was added to the list.

“She did nothing wrong and was captured on that and then sued and got off,” El-Sayed told Fox News when asked about his wife’s sister being placed on the terrorist watchlist, which was created in the wake of the September 11, 2001, attacks. “You’ve got this system where folks are guilty until proven innocent because they’ve got different kinds of names, because of the infrastructure that people like Mike Rogers set up.”

CNN’s Jeff Zeleny and Aleena Fayaz contributed to this report.

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Monday, October 19, 2026

Australian lawmaker critically injured after being deliberately hit by car

By Alasdair Pal

SYDNEY, Oct 19 (Reuters) - Australian lawmaker Helen Haines was in a critical ‌condition on Monday after being deliberately struck ‌by a car outside her office in Wangaratta, police ​and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said.

Victoria Police said a 43-year-old man had been arrested after the attack on independent MP Haines in Wangaratta, around three ‌hours' drive northeast ⁠of Melbourne.

Haines, 65, was airlifted to hospital, Albanese said.

"All of our thoughts ⁠are with Helen, her family, her friends, her team, and her community at this extremely difficult ​time. We ​are praying for ​her full recovery," Albanese ‌told a press conference.

Victoria Police Acting Superintendent Ashley Mason told a press conference there was no further threat to the public.

Albanese said it was too early to determine the motive for ‌the attack, though a terrorism ​taskforce would be investigating ​the arrested suspect.

"We ​thank the swift assistance of bystanders ‌and the dedicated health workers ​who assisted ​her, and police for their response," a statement by Haines' family posted on her ​Facebook page ‌said.

(Reporting by Alasdair Pal in Sydney and ​Shivani Tanna in Bengaluru; Editing by Kevin ​Liffey and Saad Sayeed)

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